House of Lords Bill (HL)

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Our View

The purpose and timing of the bill are open to question. It fails to acknowledge the sea-change which has taken place over the issue of House of Lords reform since March 2007. For the first time, and in defiance of the pundits who claimed it would never happen, MPs have voted decisively in favour of a wholly or largely democratic second chamber. In doing so, they have accepted that rather than weaken the primacy of the House of Commons, strengthening either chamber serves to strengthen Parliament as a whole; as the government itself accepts. MPs have also taken the straightforward position of principle that a system not based on democracy is no longer appropriate in a Parliamentary system in the 21st century, and that much of the hocus pocus talked about the UK constitution as a means of resisting democratic change is just that.

The bill identifies a number of issues that do need to be addressed but we are concerned that the way in which they are being proposed, which pre-empts the government’s white paper is not helpful. Fundamentally this bill fails to recognise the need for a democratic and legitimate second chamber. The House of Commons has now voted for an 80% or 100% elected chamber and that the public supports this decision by more than 2-1 . If this bill were to be amended to reflect this, rather than being a tool to undermine further reform, we would be happy to support it.


Lord Steel of Aikwood has tabled a Private Members Bill in the House of Lords to reform the second chamber but to stop short of electing members.

The bill had its' first reading on 7th November. Private Members Bills rarely become law but give backbenchers in both Houses of Parliament the opportunity to raise issues they feel strongly about.

Contents

What the Bill does

The Bill, seeks to

  • create a statutory appointments commission to make recommendations to the Crown for the creation of life peerages,
  • end the practice of hereditary Peer by-elections so that any vacancies would not be filled,
  • enable members to take a permanent leave of absence from the House of Lords,
  • provide for the expulsion of Members of the House of Lords in certain circumstances

Third Reading debate

The third reading debate was conducted with the House of Lords in committee. This debate focused on three amendments proposed to the bill. The first would have renamed the reformed House of Lords the Senate; the second would have meant that the re-naming of the House of Lords would need to be passed by the House of Commons; and the third would have set up an independent committee, chaired and appointed by the Lord Speaker, to consider a new name for the House of Lords.

Amendment 1: Renaming of the House of Lords the Senate

The Earl of Caithness opened the debate, moving the first amendment to the bill. He cited the Public Administration Select Committee’s report on peerages, and argued that

“We ought to split the occupants of the second Chamber from the peerage. If that is going to be the case, we need a new name for the second Chamber.”

Lord Steel of Aikwood, the sponsor of the Bill, argued that it should be debated without any amendments, and that trying to debate each of the many amendments would “kill off the Bill”:

“Given the time constraints in the House, we must decide at the beginning whether we are going to proceed though all the amendments, including those that have nothing to do with the Bill as it is narrowly drawn, or whether we are going to stick to those that relate to the Bill itself and meet the wishes of the Select Committee in the other place.”

Viscount Astor argued:

“Your Lordships should not be bounced into dealing with this Bill faster than we normally do just because of a report (from the Public Affairs Select Committee) that does not say legislation is necessary and which has not been considered properly by another place.”

Lord Strathclyde, the Leader of the Opposition, argued that the amendments should be debated. He also supported Amendment 1, saying that the new name of the House of Lords should reflect changes in the selection and structure of the chamber and that the name “Senate”

“conveys a sense of authority, and what is the purpose of all this disruption and reform if not to create a more powerful House, more able to help the other place to do its job properly, and help it to hold the Executive to account?”

Lord Trefgarne supported the Bill, but said that the amendments were necessary to clarify the appointments procedure, because

“The Bill sets in place and enshrines an appointed House.”

He also brought up the question of whether by-elections should be allowed to replace peers who retired or died:

“The agreement was that there would be 92 hereditary Peers in the House until such time as stage two of the reform was complete. In order to ensure that 92 remains the correct number, there have to be by-elections for that purpose. The noble and learned Lord, Lord Irvine of Lairg, has confirmed that the by-elections were part of the agreement.”

The Earl of Caithness agreed and defended his proposed amendment, arguing

“My amendment would not challenge the composition of the House; it is the Bill that challenges the binding agreement, reaffirmed by the Minister today, that there would be no alteration to elections of hereditaries until stage 2 came about.”

He said that if the government decided the bill constituted a stage 2, that would be different, but also that

“I fear that this Bill will delay stage 2. It might be a useful hook for the Government to use to say that, actually, there has now been a little reform of the House of Lords, that the hereditary Peers are going to wither, that there are no more elections, and that we do not need to do anything very much in a hurry.”

Finally, he withdrew Amendment 1, but warned that the bill served to perpetuate the House of Lords as it was:

“We have today the House of Lords trying to perpetuate itself and next week we have the House of Commons trying to increase its salaries, and neither of these two days in Parliament is any good for the political process.”

Amendment 2: Requiring the House of Commons to approve the new name

Lord Richard moved the second amendment as an amendment to the first, saying that

“To pre-empt the result of the talks and the forthcoming White Paper by taking a decision now on whether we should be called senators is going too far.”

Lord Elis-Thomas argued for Amendment 2, and for greater public participation in the reform process:

“The amendment... presents us with the opportunity that any report emanating from the Secretary of State should be the subject of a proper public scrutiny... I mean proper electronic consultation and debate throughout the kingdom about the role of this House and then perhaps there can emerge a public consensus about what a 21st century second Chamber looks like in the context of the United Kingdom.”

Earl Ferrers questioned whether constitutional reform was an appropriate subject for a Private Member’s Bill, saying that

“It is wrong to introduce this Bill in this way; it ought to be a Government Bill.”

Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State Lord Hunt of Kings Heath said that the Bill would need to be considered in the light of votes on House of Lords reform in both houses of Parliament, but that

“the critical vote took place in the House of Commons, which all noble Lords in discussing Lords reform in general have acknowledged in terms of primacy. We are moving ahead in those discussions—and, eventually, I hope in the White Paper—on the basis of an elected second Chamber and of the two options for which the House of Commons voted: 80 per cent and 100 per cent.”

He added that the name of the reformed House of Lords should depend on its composition, but warned, in response to a question from Earl Ferrers about whether an elected House of Lords should remain subservient to the House of Commons, that

“the Parliament Acts themselves are the enshrinement of the primacy of the Commons.”

Lord Richard decided not to seek a vote on Amendment 2, saying

“I give warning... that I shall return to this subject at a future stage, if there ever is one. But I do not think that there will be.”

Amendment 3: A committee to consider the new name

Baroness Whitaker moved Amendment 3, saying

“My amendment (is not) intended to undermine the aristocracy or do away with the time-honoured titles of the nobility; it is aimed simply at severing their link with the legislature.”

She also urged the Lords to look for a “feasible British term” for the reformed House.

Viscount Astor objected to the amendment because it stated that the committee should come up with different options for a name, and that both houses of Parliament should then vote on what the reformed House of Lords should be called. He asked

“What happens if another place votes for a different name, out of the three, from your Lordships' House?”

Lord Howarth of Newport also objected to the amendment, pointing out that a committee could be established without legislation.

Lord Desai suggested that a new name for the House of Lords should be decided through a public consultation, and added

“At least a lot of people would find out what we do and how we should do it.”

Lord Strathclyde argued that Amendment gave too much power to the Lord Speaker and to a small committee, and said that new name should be debated by the entire House of Lords. He added

“The difficulty of identifying a committee to do this foreshadows some of the debates that we will have later when we discuss the appointment of the nine immensely powerful figures that the noble Lord, Lord Steel of Aikwood, wants to appoint to decide who will make up half our Parliament.”

The Earl of Caithness said that a fully elected House of Lords could not remain subservient to the House of Commons, because no one would bother voting for the peers if they couldn’t override Commons decisions:

“The only way you will get votes is to canvass and say, "The reason I want to be elected is because I want to stand up to those people in the other place".”

Baroness Whitaker ultimately withdrew her amendment.

By the end of the debate, all three amendments were withdrawn.

Second Reading debate

The debate was divided into three camps; those who were in favour of the bill and wanted the reforms to take place quickly; the lukewarm and those who either did not see the point of any reform, or the who wanted reform delayed. The need for caution was a recurring theme: the word ‘incremental’ was used 11 times at different times.

Lord Steel opened the debate by saying

“We are looking at fundamental changes to this place perhaps by 2012, or perhaps by 2014—we do not really know.”

He then went on to liken the succession of white papers concerning Lords reform to the long series of Just William books, before concluding that

“There are those in this House who regard the measures in this Bill as necessary and entirely sufficient and there are others who regard the proposals as necessary but wholly insufficient. The point on which we should all agree is that they are necessary. Let us get on with it.”

Baroness Boothroyd was also positive, commenting that Gordon Brown has a choice:

“He can surrender his powers to appoint life Peers to an independent statutory commission, while still retaining the right to propose candidates to that commission—and do so without much delay—or he can join the long list of Prime Ministers who prefer to prevaricate and keep their powers of patronage.”

Calling it “a totally sensible proposal”, she commended it to the house. Also, Lord Strabolqi called the bill

“a useful interim measure”, and said he hoped full-scale reform

not be too long in coming.”

Another of the supporters was Lord MacGregor who spoke stridently in favour, saying

“These are important and much needed reforms for the Lords, and it is right to do them now.”

He highlighted the importance of Clause 12, which will reduce the number of Lords, hoping, along with Lord Baker, that it will be strengthened.

Questioning whether the bill was as radical as people thought, Baroness Whitaker urged the House to act, recalling the Levellers and Chartism as two movements whose aims were considered outrageous at the time but have since become common currency. Giving the bill a qualified welcome,

Lord Higgins said he thought the bill

“moves us forward in the right direction, regardless of what eventual decision is made on composition.”

Lord Howarth argued that the bill followed in the British tradition of incremental change, but that further postponement of reform should not stretch into the long-term, adding

“David Cameron has said that for a Conservative Government Lords reform would be a third-term issue. That will not do. We should proceed, incrementally, and the time is now ripe for the reforms in this Bill.”

In a measured comment, Lord Bradshaw said he hoped that

“this Bill tidies up some anomalies, removes some of the criticism, and that the Government, when they bring forward their comprehensive package of reform, regards it as a reform of Parliament and not simply of the House of Lords.”

Also, Baroness D’Souza claimed that the appointment system

“seeks to fill gaps in prevailing expertise and to nominate those who perhaps represent the wider community in terms of gender, ethnicity and geography”,

and that it works. She said she would

“hold resolutely to the 20 per cent independent appointees as set out in the Bill.”

The Earl of Sandwich believes that action should be taken in the near future, but that

“there should be an alternative of 25 per cent appointed and 75 per cent elected”.

Lords arguing against reform included Lord Howe who quoted David Cameron when he said

"We keep what is good and change what we need to change".

He went on to say that

“No evidence is before the House or anywhere else to suggest that this House is other (sic) than good.”

Earl Ferrers also expressed concern on a number of fronts. First, that the idea of prohibiting people who have served more than a year in prison, which he said it

“seems to me like being punished twice and I do not think it is right.”

He characterised efforts to reform the unwritten constitution as

“like a cat with a ball of string, we try to unravel it at our peril because we do not know where the ball will roll, in which direction or for how long”

before adding that if the

“Bill goes to another place, it will be amended left, right and centre and nobody knows what on earth will turn up at the end. It is thoroughly dangerous and I hope that it will not get very far.”

Lord Tyler was also critical of the ability of the bill to form the framework for reform in the future, saying

“I do not consider that this Bill is a realistic basis for a sustainable reform”,

before saying Lord Steel

“has made it abundantly clear that he does not regard (the bill) as anything more than a temporary expedient.”

He voiced concern over the short-term outlook of the bill, asking

“What would happen if the membership of the House of Commons changed dramatically at a general election? What would happen if a Cross-Bench Peer went to join a political party?”,

before concluding the bill

“could be sustainable only for a very few months”

Viscount Astor supported this by saying

“this Chamber works. It works as well as it ever did”

and that “The Bill lets the Government off the hook and I do not believe that it should be supported.”

Lord Baker was also pessimistic about the prospects for speedy action on the bill, but said that basically it was

“a small, incremental measure that will make this House better”

adding that

“This is all that we are going to get, so let us take it.”

Lord Campbell sat in agreement with Lords Hunt and Howe in opposing the bill’s progress, saying it would break the Cranborn deal (to retain 91 hereditary peers). Also vying for further time to gain agreement was Lord Trefgarne, who voiced concern that without adequate consensus it would be impossible to progress, and that without such consensus the House should

“therefore leave matters as they are until such a consensus does emerge and we can move forward with general agreement.”

He was also concerned that the bill should be consulted on more widely and that it is “an amateurish approach to an overwhelmingly important issue and simply will not do.”

At the far end of the scale was Lady Saltoun, who called the bill “dreadful”, and was strongly opposed to its advancement, citing the example of hereditary peers who were

“so meanly and ungraciously sacked in 1999 and whose only hope of either getting back themselves or their heirs doing so is to be elected.”

Other issues raised included the ability of people not domiciled in the UK for tax purposes to be a member of the Lords, of who Lord Oakeshott said he would

“move amendments in Committee to disqualify from membership of the House any Peer who is not both resident and domiciled for tax purposes in the United Kingdom.”

Expressing frustration that progress had not been made more quickly he said

“I have twice introduced in this House a Life Peerages (Residency for Taxation Purposes) Bill to stop tax exiles being nominated for peerages. Now it is time to finish the job.”

He gave the example of Irvine Laidlaw, now Lord Laidlaw of Rothiemay, who had said he would be based in the UK for tax purposes by April 2004 and that

“The [House of Lords Appointments Commission would have taken a different view on Lord Laidlaw's nomination if it had known that he would not be resident in the UK for tax purposes from April 2004 ... Lord Laidlaw has not become resident in the UK for tax purposes.”]

Unlock Democracy publishes briefing on House of Lords Bill

Unlock Democracy has published a briefing for the Second Reading of the House of Lords Bill, introduced by Lord Steel of Aikwood, on Friday 30th November 2007. Unlock Democracy is a cross-party campaigning think tank that supports a predominantly or wholly elected second chamber. It draws on the briefing prepared by Damien Welfare, co-ordinator of the Campaign for a Democratic Upper House.

The bill is presented as a consensus measure to make limited changes, without preventing further reform along democratic lines at a later stage. In fact, it pre-empts the government’s policy of pursuing cross-party discussions in order to implement the votes of the House of Commons in favour of a House which is 80% or 100% elected, and its forthcoming white paper.

Key points include:

  • The bill fails to recognise the fundamental change in the political landscape represented by the votes in the Commons on 14th March 2007 in favour of an 80% and 100% elected House
  • There is a tension between those who wish to see a House of experts, as the bill seeks to provide, and those who support a chamber that is more representative of the country as a whole. The bill does not resolve this, and its provisions in relation to diversity are extremely weak
  • It proposes that a committee of 9 persons should determine the membership of half of Parliament. No other chamber of a leading Parliamentary democracy chooses its own members in this way
  • It does not provide for the removal of the remaining hereditary peers (only the ending of elections to vacancies)


The bill leaves a number of significant questions unanswered, including:

  • how to control the size of the House, notably if political support were to fluctuate over short periods. There would be a risk that the House would grow rather than contract, even allowing for retirements;
  • how to determine the balance between the government and third and other parties;
  • the size (as opposed to relative balance) of the government and Opposition parties;
  • whether and how political balance should be measured – e.g. by numbers of votes at a General Election, or by number of seats won;
  • the role and powers of the House, and appropriate conventions; and
  • pay and retirement provisions.

A copy of the full briefing can be downloaded from the Unlock Democracy website.

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